2021-02-05

"COVID-19", The United States and China: The Strategic Quagmire Dialectic in International Relations

 



Dr. Salam Al Rabadi: Researcher in International Relations.

 

There is no scientific method that allows accurate predictions about the future of the global system, as all propositions that indicate and predict the decline or rise of world powers remain subject to debate and uncertainty. Consequently, if the crisis of the "Covid19" pandemic manages to re-raise question marks about the global balance of power, but here it must be taken into account (contrary to what is common among many academic elites) that changes in these balances at the level of international relations, are no longer subject to Largely to a zero-sum game(Non Zero-Sum Game).

 

In other words, an increase in the influence and power of a country does not necessarily mean that other countries lose their influence. Also, the fact that a country is the most powerful country in the world, this no longer means its monopoly on power, as it has become easy for individuals and groups to accumulate and employ influential power.

 

In this context, we can address the attempts of intellectual and political elites to research the problematic of the emerging global reality in light of the repercussions of the Covid-19 outbreak, related to the dialectic comparison between China's rising power and the declining standing of the United States.

Here, attention should be drawn to the fact that this decline is due to the change in the nature of the world order, more than to the military or political weakness of the United States (or both). As this system has become Non-Polar, and this inevitably, is not only a result of the growing power of other countries and the failure of the United States (which is still the largest single community of power) to manage the global system, but is also an inevitable consequence of this array of profound changes that have affected the structure of global society.

 

Therefore, all the repercussions of the "Covid19" pandemic came to confirm the truth and realism of these changes.

 

In light of the foregoing, contemporary international relations are based on a pattern of distributed rather than concentrated power. So, many powers depend on this pattern for their economic well-being and political stability. Therefore, these forces logically do not favor confronting and disrupting a regime that serves their interests, as there is an intersection and intertwining of influence. Consequently, this is a pattern in which the United States still plays a central role that works to reduce conflicts between the major powers, and that definitely will produce solutions based on non-zero equations. However, with all these logical facts, we cannot ignore the question marks raised about:

 

How is the real influence of the power of the United States, not stabilized for more than 20 or 25 years?

 

And judging from the conclusion based on extrapolating the causes of the fall of empires and the reality of current global politics, it is evident that the long-term relative decline in the power of the United States will continue regardless of attempts to restore it. Accordingly, the logical question may become (at least in the scope of scientific and academic research):

 

Not if China will become the world's first superpower, but when?

 

In conclusion, if we methodically ,try not to enter the research approach in the swamps of fundamental strategic questions related to predicting the future of world powers, but it seems that there is no escape for us from diving into the midst of these swamps, which carry in each of its depths additional pleasure from the pleasures of extrapolating the future of international relations. Accordingly, with regard to China and in the event that we transcend some of the aforementioned academic concepts, the deep and most important academic strategic quagmire that should be dived (which many political and academic elites avoid from delving into its depths) is:

Does China really want(or is thinking) about assuming the responsibility of leading the world? and if it has this desire, Is it ready to do so? and Does that serve its strategic interests at the present time?

 

This strategic quagmire, according to the repercussions of the Covid_19 pandemic and the changes taking place at the level of international relations, raises many dialectic related to the attempt to extrapolate the future of global politics and the main actors in it. In the midst of this reality, it is possible to deal with the problematic of the classification of the global system related to the terms unipolar, bipolar, or multipolar..etc, which have become meaningless. Based on the realism of intellectual approaches, it seems somewhat difficult to see a global system controlled by one pole, or even several poles. This is due to many qualitative factors, whether cultural, economic or political, which have become one of the most important determinants of international relations, including, for example, but not limited to:

1-  There is no single state that enjoys superiority in all elements of power ([1]).

2-  The repercussions of the knowledge age(crossing political, cultural and security boundaries).

3-  The emergence of the phenomenon of terrorism in all its manifestations.

4-  Problems of the environmental issue, demography and migration issues.

5-  The pace of scientific and technological developments at all levels.

6-  The intertwining of global economy and the multiplicity of the influence of many forces within it ([2]).

7-  Shifts in criteria for measuring military capability ([3]).

Thus, it can be said that the world of international relations is subject today to a polarless system, as a result of the inevitable pattern of changes that have increased the complexities associated with issues of terrorism, the environment, technology, media, viruses (real and electronic) and cultural problematics ..etc. This pattern supports the non-polar system, according to several directions, including:

1-      Many flows take place outside the control of states and thus limit the influence of the major powers.

2-      Some developments that serve Regional Countries and increase the margin of their effectiveness and independence ([4]).

3-      The existence of enormous wealth subject to the grip of individuals and new active forces.

 

In light of the foregoing, we can say that we are currently in an era far from the classical classifications associated with the term polarity, not to mention the difficulty of fully understanding these huge radical shifts in international relations (whether in terms of the structure of the global economy or the reality of global politics). Where, it has become clear that the global system dynamics continues to move and complicate.

 

Therefore, it must be taken into account, even if the non-polarity system is inevitable but deserves caution, as it may generate more randomness and vacuum at the global political level. Thus, here it is necessary to examine the dilemma of how to find that kind of equilibrium around the formation of the non-polar world. This, inevitably, calls into question the extent of the possibility of a global consensus around these new balances?

Here, when we talk about balances in international relations, we invoke the fact that the pattern of regularity will not arise on its own. Even if the (non-polar) global system is left to operate according to its own approach, that will inevitably make it more complex and head towards more chaos. This is the least that can be concluded from confusion about how to deal with the Covid-19 pandemic crisis, and the so-called medical mask wars.

 

Accordingly, consideration must be directed towards the potential risks, as the global order(Non-polar) will complicate political diplomacy, and alliances will lose much of their importance, because they require a strategic vision to confront predictable threats and commitments. But inevitably all of this is not expected to be available in a non-polar world.

 

Based on that, those risks (despite the existence of many problematic and dialectic at the level of the trends of the evolution of the global system, which make predicting future scenarios a daunting scientific task) require raising question marks about the nature of the forces that are able to take the initiative and dive into the depths of taking responsibility for leading global politics?



[1] The term sole superpower is no longer appropriate in light of the current reality of multiple centers of power. For example, China has proven that the United States cannot unilaterally address North Korea's nuclear file, and it is the one who has the effective influence on this issue. Also, the ability of the United States to pressure Iran is largely subject to its non-conflict with the direct strategic interests of China and Russia.

[2] This is evidenced by the circumstances of the negotiations in the World Trade Organization, and the difficulty in reaching agreements in the Doha Round since 2001.

[3] For example, the events of September 11th demonstrated how a small investment by individuals can tip global scales on the military, security, political, and even economic levels. Likewise, Hezbollah's victory in the July 2006 war (which was launched by the Israeli occupation state) proves that the most advanced and expensive modern weapons cannot win wars, as  trained group of armed with light weapons can prove that they are able to confront the largest and best-armed armies.

[4]  For example, countries such as India and Pakistan (and recently Iran) were able to impose their entry into the nuclear club, as a fait accompli on the global community.






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